Bangladeshi newspapers published a claim by the Jamaat-controlled interim government’s information ministry adviser, Mahfuj Alam, who initially advised chief adviser Yunus on politics and diplomacy, in September 2024.

The rebuttal came after some Indian media claimed that Mahfuj was a member of the banned militant group Hizb ut-Tahrir and Jamaat’s student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir.

A key leader of the Students Against Discrimination platform’s liaison committee, which shaped the interim government, Mahfuj said on September 14 that he was never involved with the two radical Islamist groups.

However, since February, the former and current Shibir leaders, especially Khomenee Ehsan and Mohammad Ishrak, have exposed Mahfuj.

The unity broke over the formation of the King’s party, the Jatiya Nagorik Party, which was formed on February 28 with directives and patronization of the chief adviser and Jamaat-e-Islami.

He drew attention after removing a portrait of the father of the nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from Bangabhaban soon after taking oath as an adviser under the Constitution and by sharing a map of Bangladesh with parts of India as her territory, implying the jihadists’ long-term plan of Gazwatul Hind.

However, he softened his tone afterwards and is now talking about democracy instead of an Islamic Republic.

On March 6, a day before the Hizb ut-Tahrir’s March for Caliphate, Mahfuj chose not to make any comment when netizens asked him about the event by a banned militant group.

Mahfuj sounded irritated when asked about HuT. He pointed his finger at the home adviser while sharing his bitter experience after speaking against mob violence by radical Islamists, who are on the prowl across the country.

He wrote: “Ask this question to the right person. When i was bullied and threatened by jihadist, you people were mocking me for posting this and that. See the comments, ppl are still mocking. This is the responsibility of Home Ministry. Why should i be only target of Jihadist and fanatics. There are many advisers and officials, civil society and media and you – people.

“And, my family memebers were threatened too. And i could do nothing. You were still mocjeing! But, If we do smthng, then you will be leading a banner in shahbag for civil rights bla bla. So, leave me alone. I am now responsible with information ministry. Anything comes up relavant to that ministry, give me a nock in messenger or whatsapp. Dont tag me to humiliate and divert the question.”

HuT has long been demanding withdrawal of the ban, imposed in 2009, saying they actively took part in the government-ouster movement and that the interim government had withdrawn the ban on Jamaat. It has demonstrated widespread support at educational institutions across country, mainly by students of reputed colleges in Dhaka, who paraded the streets with the flags of the Caliphate. The group denounces US-India imperialism and advocates for a Shariah state under a Khalifah.

Apart from Mahfuj’s Shibir link, the legacy media, which has been supporting the interim government and the Shibir-led student protests in July-August, has kept mum about the Islamist and jihadist identities of some of the top student leaders and the role of the US Embassy in Dhaka in provoking violence and providing support in collaboration with some selected civil society leaders and journalists critical of the Awami League.

Many Shibir leaders have criticized Mahfuj for denying the facts that he was a Sathi of Shibir, he used to stay in a Shibir-run mess house, and he is married to the niece of a former Shibir president.

Mahfuj’s father, Azizur Rahman Bachchu Molla, is a BNP leader in Lakshmipur, and his father-in-law, Prof Dr Musleh Uddin, is the chief of an Ahle Hadith faction in Chittagong.

Mahfuj was a student of Tamirul Millat, a Jamaat-operated madrasa, before being admitted to Dhaka University. According to his aides, Mahfuj was staying on campus after completing his studies only to form a political force against the Awami League.

Apart from his camouflaged involvement with Shibir, Mahfuj was also associated with the leftists linked to Chhatra Federation, Chhatra Union, Rastro Songskar Andolan and Jatiya Insaf Kayem Committee of poet Farhad Mazhar.

Farhad Mazhar is unpopular for his live-in relationship with Farida Akhter, an adviser to the interim government, and Archana Rani Mistry, a former worker of his organization who had to abort their child twice. In 2017, he staged an abduction drama after Archana sought money for an abortion. Historians say Farhad Mazhar fled to the US after his involvement in a murder came to light when he was an active member of the Purbo Banglar Sorbohara Party founded by Siraj Sikder.

Introduced globally as the brain behind the meticulously designed “coup”, dubbed as a student-led uprising, in July-August by Prof Muhammad Yunus, Mahfuj was first made special assistant to the chief adviser. At that time, he used to deal with the government’s political issues.

Culture of denial

In his Facebook post on September 14, Mahfuj said: “I was not involved in any of this. A reporter from the Economic Times has accused me of being loyal to Hizb ut Tahrir, which is completely false and serves the Indian narrative.

“I was and still am against the ideology of Hizb ut-Tahrir and other undemocratic parties.”

Noting that he was not involved with Shibir, he said: “I never took part in the political activities of the Chhatra Shibir. I was invited to their program first in the university. But I did not believe in their ideological vision for Bangladesh.

“I never literally embraced the Islam of the Shibir. But I have faced Islamophobia and Shibir tagging on campus.

“I am a believer and a Bengali Muslim. I do not support Islamist or secularist ideologies. I have a vision for a civilized transformed state in the region and a society based on the ideals of compassion and responsibility. The individual and collective aspirations of the oppressed masses will find a way to translate into state policy.

“Dhaka will be the meeting point and cultural hub of the Bay of Bengal region. InshaAllah.

“I am not against Islamabad or any other religious and cultural expression, he said. I think communities and their cultural expressions should find a place for coexistence in the state structure. The secular project of the state should not limit the space for religious and cultural expression of any community. However, these expressions should not be equated with fascist ideology.

“I am not a strict follower of Lalon and Marx, so I do not subscribe to Farhad Mazhar’s version of Islam and Marxism. I see Lalon as the soul-searching practice and behavior of Bengal. And as long as capitalism continues, Marx will remain relevant. However, the question of Bengali Muslims should be mentioned and discussed primarily within the framework of riverine Islam and the Muslim community of Bengal. Bengali Muslims should break the shackles of the worst complexities and interpret the worldview of their ancestors.

“I am not a grave or shrine worshiper. I worship Sufis and scholars of various Tariqas. I lived and interacted with many Ulama and Pirs in my youth and later. And, even now, I have a connection with them. They accepted me in the love of the Prophet (peace be upon him). I am grateful to them. Again, I do not like to compromise and activate fascism. I love those Sufis and scholars who are on the side of Haqq (truth and rights).

“I think this grave-destroyer is really against the common aspirations and historical legacy of Bengali Muslims and Bengal.”

He said that as a historical community formation, Bengali Muslims need to ally themselves with the subaltern (oppressed Hindus, Buddhists and Muslims) masses of South Asia. In this way, they need to eliminate Mujibism, Islamophobia, Hindutva and fascism so that Sufism and Islamism can be activated. We have seen many times that anti-fascist Islam has also become the lifeline of Mujibism and Hindutva.

“I follow my Bengali Muslim ancestors who have formed and shaped a community through sacrifice and foresight. This community will have a fair share in this region and their vision will be true. I am against backdated nationalism. We need new language and terminology to connect with more people – in Bangladesh and outside.”

Finally, he apologized if anyone was hurt by his writing. “I love you all as citizens, as brothers and sisters,” he added.